France’s entry into the American War of Independence was to
prove a critical factor is assuring the survival of the United States. It did
so by winning the only strategically-significant victory in all French naval
history – that off the Virginia Capes in 1781, which starved British forces at
Yorktown of supllies and made their surrender unavoidable. The unforeseen cost
to the French monarchy of supporting this upstart republic founded on
democratic principles was however to be enormous. French officers returned from
America with the conviction that France’s governmental system was rotten and
unsustainable. Once that fact was widely recognised revolution was inevitable
and the whole bloody process would commence in 1789.
The British surrender at Yorktown - made inevitable by a French naval victory |
The driver for French involvement in the war was the adage
that “My enemy’s enemy is my friend” (an often dangerous assumption, as it was
in this case) and the objective was to strike at Britain, the old enemy with which
she had fought a long sequence of wars over the previous century. France’s supply
of arms to the American rebels and her formal recognition of the United States
in February 1778 made it inevitable that Britain would declare war on France in
the following month. The initial confrontations had to be naval, since control
of sea routes to and from North America was essential for both sides.
Admiral Keppel by Sir Joshua Reynolds |
France possessed a fleet in the Mediterranean and a second,
based at Brest in Brittany to operate in Atlantic and Channel waters. An
important strategic decision was the Britain’s commitment to concentrating its
resources in the Channel Fleet so as to blockade French forces at Brest. By
doing so, attacks on merchant shipping to and from Britain, and any French
attempt at mounting an invasion, could be countered. The situation changed
however when a French naval force slipped out of the Mediterranean and headed
for the Americas. There was no option but to detach forces from the Channel
Fleet to follow this force. This still left the French and British navies in
rough numeric balance in and off Brest and made a French break-out more
feasible.
The Royal Navy’s Channel Fleet was commanded by Admiral
Augustus Keppel (1725 – 1786), who can be described as competent but not brilliant.
Like many officers of the era he had a parallel political career as a Member of
Parliament and bad blood existed between him, as committed Whig, and the First
Lord of the Admiralty, the Navy’s professional head and a committed member of the
opposing group known as “The King’s Friends”. The depth of bitterness was such
that Keppel feared that the First Lord would be glad for him to be defeated.
Further bad feeling existed between Keppel and one of his subordinate admirals,
Sir Hugh Palliser (1723–1796), another politically active officer and previously
a member of the Admiralty Board, which Keppel blamed for the running down of
the Royal Navy in the aftermath of the Seven Years War. These personal enmities
did not bode well for mutual trust and cooperation in the heat of battle.
Contemporary image of the British line at Ushant: Note that HMS Foudroyant, identified in print block third from right, was captained by Sir John Jervis, later Viscount St. Vincent |
The clash – the first major naval action of the war – came
on 23rd July some 100 miles west of Ushant, a small island off the
coast of Brittany. The numbers of ships on both sides were large and all but
equal. The British force consisted of 29 ships–of-the-line and faced 30 similar
French ships and two smaller ones. The French held the weather-gage – that is,
they were upwind of their opponents, a usually critical advantage in the age of
Sail – but this was largely nullified by the orders given to the French
commander, Admiral Comte d'Orvilliers (1708 – 1792) to avoid battle. (The
concept of “a fleet in being” had existed since the late 17th
Century). The result was to pit two fleets against each other, one of which had
a less than unified command while the other was commanded by an admiral who was
instructed not to fight.
Battle of Ushant by Theodore Guediin, painted circa 1848 Note British and French lines passing on opposite tacks |
Bitter recriminations followed on both sides. Keppel praised
Palliser in his official report but staged a campaign against him with the
support of the Whig press. Palliser responded in kind such that both men all
but accused each other of treason. This led to both Keppel and Palliser being
court-martialled, both being acquitted, though Palliser was censured. Keppel’s
political cronies ensured that he became in due course an undistinguished First
Lord of the Admiralty while Palliser’s career continued with no great
distinction. The whole affair had done nothing for the morale of the service or
for the good of the country.
"Philippe Égalité" |
The aftermath of the battle on the French side had more of
farce than drama about it. One of the officers serving in d'Orvilliers’ fleet
was Louis Philippe d'Orléans, Duc de Chatres (1747 – 1793), who belonged to a
junior branch of the Bourbon family and thus a relative of the reigning King
Louis XVI. He was to be better known to history as “Philippe Égalité” but that lay in the future when he was despatched
to the Palace of Versailles with news of the battle. He arrived in the early morning
hours, had the king woken, and provided a highly coloured account that
represented the action as a French victory. The news spread and when de Chatres
attended the opera he was greeted with a twenty-minute standing ovation,
followed up by burning of Keppel’s effigy in the garden of de Chatres’ home in
the Palais Royale. Glowing with pride after this reception, he returned to Brest
only to find that more accurate accounts were now being issued which made it
very plain that there had been no victory. Deeply embarrassed, and quickly made a figure
of ridicule, he had no option but to resign from the navy. He succeeded to the
title of Duc d’Orleans in 1785 and was now next in line to succeed to the
throne should the direct royal line die out. He thereafter got embroiled in
bitter enmity and mutual loathing with Queen Marie-Antoinette, she regarding him
as treacherous and hypocritical, and he regarding her as frivolous and extravagant.
In the years leading up to the revolution that would break
out in 1789 d’Orleans allied himself with the movement for reform, reinforcing
the anti-royalist image he had had for some time. This might be regarded as an
early example of “radical chic” and
d’Orleans made his residence, the Palais Royale, available for meetings of the
extremist Jacobin Club. He gained sufficient popularity that when the Paris mob
invaded the Palace of Versailles in October 1789 the cry was heard of “"Long
live our King d'Orléans!" In the four years of revolution that followed, a
bewildering period of upheaval and shifting alliances, d’Orleans renounced his
titles to become Citizen Philippe Égalité (Equality) and a member of the
Constituent Assembly. When King Louis XVI was put on trial for his life in
January 1793 this Philippe Égalité was to vote for his execution. For all his
identification with republican ideals, Philippe Égalité was not however to survive
long in the snake-pit of revolutionary turmoil. As the Reign of Terror took
hold he was to be another of those consumed by the revolution they had brought
about. He went to the guillotine in November 1793, doing so with a dignity and
calmness that did him credit.
Execution of Louis VVI, January 1793 - Philippe Egalite voted for it He died himself on the same scaffold ten months later |
King Louis Philippe in 1842 |
Philippe Égalité, had he lived to know it, had the last
laugh. The Second French Revolution, in 1830, brought his son (1773 – 1850) to
the throne as King Louis-Philippe I, who reigned as “The Citizen King” for
eighteen years until a Third Revolution, in 1848, deposed him. He lived out his
last years once again in exile in England, where he had previously spent the
years 1793-1815. His daughter Louise married Leopold, first King of the
Belgians in 1832, so that Philippe Égalité’s bloodline runs on today through the
monarch who reigns today in Brussels.
It all seems far removed from the farcical aftermath of the
Battle of Ushant. One wonders however whether the 533 men killed and the
hundreds wounded in it would have appreciated the ironies.
I studied this in depth at the Naval War College and the American utilisation of France was masterful in a way that Kissinger would whole heartedly approve of. Not only did the final peace treaty between America and Britain not meaningfully involve the French allies, but France was fiscally evicerated for her troubles which also led to widespread discontent and the Revolution.
ReplyDeleteI agree fully Paul. It is hard to fathom why the French government (if it can be classified as such) was so incompetent and short-sighted through the 18th Century. And one can see parallels with Western support of the Mujahideen against the Soviets in Afghanistan in the 1980s. My enemy's enemy may well be my enemy too!
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